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Although the revolt stuttered after a promising start in June , by the end of that year the Arabs had regained their momentum, and from then on, the Ottomans could only react to Arab advances Map by Baker Vail. They were driven off, however, when the tribesmen, who had never experienced artillery and machine-gun fire, fled in terror.

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Nevertheless, Arab fighters kept arriving at Jeddah, site of the second victory. To provide logistical and political advice to the Arabs, the British established a military mission there codenamed Hedgehog. The French mission, operating out of Egypt, consisted of cavalry, artillery, and machine-gun and engineering units, numbering about 1, men. Sensitive to offending their allies with non-Muslim troops, the French sent North African soldiers, while the British deployed Egyptian and Indian fighters.

British equipment included howitzers, mountain guns, Lewis machine guns, explosives, and 4, rifles. In the air, the Royal Flying Corps initially sent B. The Royal Navy would also play vital transport and offensive roles. Officers enthusiastically led raiding parties and provided demolition expertise. Chief among them was Capt.

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Thomas Edward Lawrence. An Oxford-educated historian, Lawrence had traveled throughout the Middle East before the war.

He spoke Arabic, loved the Arab people, and passionately embraced their dreams of freedom. When the revolt broke out, Lawrence was a staff officer in the Military Intelligence Department in Cairo.

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So closely did he empathize with the Arabs that Feisal soon presented him with the silken robes of a Bedouin leader, which had the advantage of being more comfortable than a British uniform for camel riding and desert fighting. On December 1, Fakhri and three brigades advanced to recapture Yanbu, defended by 1, Arabs. Afterward, things deteriorated for the Ottomans. With his supply lines stretched thin and continually attacked by the Bedouins, Fakhri turned south to retake the port of Rabegh. But the Royal Navy dogged his advance down the coast, and he was harassed by seaplanes and Arab tribesmen.

The Ottomans had lost momentum and would spend the rest of the war reacting to Arab moves. Behind the scenes, imperial politics were at work. An international body would govern Jerusalem. Naturally, this deal was not revealed to the Arabs. Ottoman officers in Jerusalem conduct the last review of troops in that city before it was captured by Arabs and their allies in late Library of Congress.

Thus, the great powers, particularly Britain, were making contradictory promises to their erstwhile allies and surreptitiously carving up lands they had not even conquered—deals that went against the promises McMahon made to Hussein in their — correspondence. But the war still had to be won. As the Arabs gathered victories and adherents, British general Sir Archibald Murray realized that the Arabs could provide support for his efforts in the Sinai to secure the Suez Canal and push the Ottomans out of Gaza.

Raiding parties of 12 to men were led by Arab, French, and British officers. After packing camels with explosives and sometimes a Lewis machine gun or a Stokes mortar, they journeyed for a week or more into the desert. The men deployed exploder boxes as well as contact and electric mines. For some attacks, the Arabs spent hours laying to charges over up to five miles of line. This was stressful work done while on the lookout for spies and Ottoman patrols and with inexperienced tribesmen as helpers. Then there was the long wait, sometimes overnight, for a train to appear.

After one close call, British lieutenant Stuart Newcombe returned to Egypt, his nerves shot. Nevertheless, as Col. Sometimes the trains contained high-ranking officers or money-laden safes. Sometimes they were filled with women and the wounded. Amid Bedouin whoops of victory, the wreck and the dead were plundered. The wounded were left to die because the raiders had no medics and no means of transporting them. It was a thrilling but gory business. This killing and killing of Turks is horrible. While hit-and-run tactics were traditional for the Bedouins, Lawrence formalized them into a theory of guerrilla warfare.

This, however, would require a new operational port. While feverish from dysentery, Lawrence conceived a scheme to take the Red Sea port of Aqaba, which is today part of Jordan.

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He declined to attack from the water, where Aqaba was defended by heavy guns. Rather, his bold plan called for a force to emerge from the Nefudh Desert, which the Ottomans would never expect. The initial party of Lawrence and 17 Agayl warriors set out from Wejh on May 10, This mile, weeks-long trek was through terrain so inhospitable even the Bedouin called it al-Houl the Terror. The next day the Arabs, now some 2, men, entered Aqaba without a shot, the garrison having scurried away. Gaunt, filthy, and wearing his Bedouin robes, Lawrence crossed the Sinai to Cairo to inform the new British commander in chief, Gen.

Edmund Allenby, of this stunning victory. With the fall of Aqaba, the war in the Hejaz was essentially over. But amid these successes, great-power politics inserted themselves. It is thus essential that Aqaba should remain in British hands after the war. I was continually and bitterly ashamed. Lawrence became reckless in his bravery, as if to expunge his feelings of guilt. The Arabs fought on. To support his upcoming offensive in Gaza, General Allenby asked the Arabs to destroy bridges and rail lines. It was while sabotaging other sections of rail near Deraa, about 60 miles south of Damascus that Lawrence was captured and sexually abused.

He was released because his captors mistook him for a light-skinned Circassian, but the episode scarred Lawrence for life. When Jerusalem fell on December 11, there was rejoicing in the Allied camp. Feisal assembled a force of tribesmen, supported by Indian Gurkhas, the Egyptian Camel Corps, and Algerian artillery, in all about 1, fighters. They blew up railway lines, attacked station houses, and destroyed bridges.

On September 19, at Megiddo, British forces smashed into the mile Ottoman-German line north of Jerusalem, ripping open a gap through which Australian cavalry poured. By the 24th, nearly 40, Ottoman soldiers had been captured; desertions were running at about 1, a month. The war was now entering a desperate stage. At the village of Tafas near Damascus, Lawrence and his men discovered that Ottoman and German soldiers had massacred several hundred Arab women and children.

The once distant dream of taking Damascus was now reality. The Australians neared the city while roughly 1, Arab irregulars supported by the Regular Arab Army and British cavalry destroyed the remnants of the Ottoman Fourth Army. Householders threw flowers, hangings, carpets into the road before us: their wives leaned, screaming with laughter, through the lattices and splashed us with bath-dippers of scent. Acting quickly, Feisal set up a government. With the military conflict nearing its end, the political war was intensifying. Promoted to colonel, he would soon be back in the Middle East. Ottoman administrative control essentially collapsed.

Arabs everywhere were in open revolt. By mid-September, 75, enemy soldiers—including 3, Austrians and Germans—were taken prisoner. Indeed, by now the revolt had produced 15, Ottoman casualties including those caused by illness and had tied down between 23, and 30, enemy troops.

In May alone, Arab raids had destroyed 25 bridges. As the Ottoman forces reeled back to their Turkish homeland, Aleppo in northern Syria fell to Arab and British forces.


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On October 30 the Ottoman Empire was granted an end to hostilities, its ally Germany following suit on November Fakhri Pasha, however, did not surrender the Medina garrison until January , the last holdout of a lost empire. Article 7 provided: "The Administration of Palestine shall be responsible for enacting a nationality law. There shall be included in this law provisions framed so as to facilitate the acquisition of Palestinian citizenship by Jews who take up their permanent residence in Palestine.

The proviso to this objective of the mandate was that "nothing should be done which might prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine". Religious and communal guarantees, such as for freedom of religion and education, were made in general terms without reference to any specific religion. The Vatican and the Italian and French governments concentrated their efforts on the issue of the Holy Places and rights of the Christian communities; [] they pressed their legal claims on the basis of the former Protectorate of the Holy See and the French Protectorate of Jerusalem.

The Catholic powers saw an opportunity to reverse the gains made by the Greek and Russian Orthodox communities in the region over the previous years, as documented in the Status Quo Jerusalem and Bethlehem. Britain was to assume responsibility for the Holy Places under Article 13 of the mandate. Negotiations concerning the formation and the role of the commission were partly responsible for the delay in ratifying the mandate.

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Article 14 of the Mandate required Britain to establish a commission to study, define, and determine the rights and claims relating to the different religious communities in Palestine. This provision, which called for the creation of a commission to review the religious Status Quo between the religious communities, was never implemented. Article 15 required the mandatory administration to see to it that complete freedom of conscience and the free exercise of all forms of worship were permitted.

hambcritovcreasit.ga Article 15 stated that "No discrimination of any kind shall be made between the inhabitants of Palestine on the ground of race, religion or language. No person shall be excluded from Palestine on the sole ground of his religious belief. Formal recognition was extended to eleven religious communities, which did not include the non-Orthodox Jewish or Protestant Christian denominations. The public clarification and implementation of Article 25, more than a year after it had been added to the mandate, confuses some "into imagining that Transjordanian territory was covered by the conditions of the Mandate as to the Jewish National Home before August ".

On 25 April , five months prior to the mandate coming into force, the independent administration was recognised in a statement made in Amman:. Subject to the approval of the League of Nations, His Britannic Majesty will recognise the existence of an independent Government in Trans-jordan under the rule of His Highness the Amir Abdullah, provided that such Government is constitutional and places His Britannic Majesty in a position to fulfil his international obligations in respect of the territory by means of an Agreement to be concluded with His Highness [] [].

The legality of the mandate has been disputed in detail by scholars, in particular with respect to its consistency with Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations.